The death of 13 Turkish prisoners at the hands of the Kurdish PKK guerrillas in the mountains of southern Kurdistan (Iraq) has put the spotlight on the “Eagle Claw 2” offensive, which Turkey carries out in Qandil, Sinjar and the Makhmour refugee camp, home to more than 13,000 Kurds who fled Turkey in the 1990s.
In the attack that lasted four days, in addition to dozens of guerrillas, 13 soldiers and police were prisoners of the guerrillas. According to Ankara, they were executed, although the PKK claimed that it was the Turkish bombing itself that ended their lives.
Turkey has taken the opportunity to demand international support for its offensive, even forcing the United States to rectify a first statement condemning the deaths, not considering it too clear, with the PKK.
But Ankara’s interest in claiming this support goes further and the offensive is heralded as the beginning of an operation on Sinjar, 80 kilometers from the Turkish border, where the Yezidi minority live, and where ISIS enslaved and killed thousands of people in 2004.
And in that operation, Ankara is backed by the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
Seven years ago, the disbandment of the KRG Peshmerga forces before ISIS resulted in the Yezidi population only having the support of the PKK, which opened a flight corridor into the mountains to escape the jihadist genocide.
Although after the defeat of ISIS the PKK officially left the region, security was left to the Shengal Resistance Units (YBS), the related local militia. And their presence doesn’t just irritate Turkey. Erbil and Baghdad agreed last October that Sinjar’s security would be left to the sole responsibility of federal forces, but they did not have the YBS agreement.
A suspicious visit
The official visit of Turkish Defense Minister Hulusi Akar to Iraq, in which he also met with KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani in Erbil, raised suspicions about a possible joint military operation by Ankara, Baghdad and Erbil, he says. journalist Alba Cambeiro.
“Turkey is ready to provide support in order to eliminate terrorists in the Iraqi Sinjar region if necessary,” the minister said after his visit. A few days later, the offensive began in which Kurdish media involved the intelligence of the PDK, the ruling party in Iraqi Kurdistan. The response of the president of the region, Nechirvan Barzani, on the Turkish invasion seemed to confirm this: “The areas attacked by the Turkish Army lack sovereignty as a result of the presence of the PKK there.”
“The Sinjar agreement was signed between Baghdad and Erbil and there are no other parties or countries involved,” he told Cambeiro. Nonetheless, Ankara welcomed the treaty as it awaits the dissolution of the YBS.
Other actors complicate this scenario even more. Since 2017, groups affiliated with the Iranian-backed Popular Mobilization Units have also been operating in the Sinjar region, which have warned Turkey that they will intervene in the face of an attack.
At the same time, the United States supports Turkey, its partner in NATO, but also in northern Syria the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), akin to the PKK and the YBS. In Syria, Washington has already allowed the invasion of Turkish forces and Islamist militias that carried out a “cleansing” of the population that could now be the fate of the Yezidis who still remember the horror of ISIS.
The support of the Kurdish regional government and the Iraqi for Turkish entry into their territory is not new. According to Cambeiro, the first Turkish military incursion into the Iraqi Kurdistan area was in 1983, according to a treaty signed with Baghdad.
Since then, Turkey has carried out airstrikes and ground operations to eradicate the PKK guerrillas and, according to a report by the KRG Parliament, “Turkish and Iranian cross-border operations have led to the eviction of more than 500 villages since 1992.”
SOURCE: Naiz / Edition: Kurdistan Latin America