Andy Burnham’s early policies test Scotland’s John Swinney on devolution

Scotland’s first minister, John Swinney, met Andy Burnham shortly before the Commonwealth Games to discuss “constructive” cooperation.

Policy package unveiled in early August

Burnham’s first‑week agenda, reported by Herald Scotland, bundled a series of pledges that span energy, transport, local‑government finance and homelessness. He confirmed a marginal cut to household energy bills and introduced a flat cap on bus fares across England. Business‑rate relief was promised for pubs and clubs, while a declaration to end rough sleeping was added to the mix.

Media additions

Earlier in the week the Prime Minister signalled an intention to hand English strategic authorities a share of income‑tax receipts and to retain a portion of business‑rate cash collected in their zones. The same reporting noted that Burnham had, before retracting, floated the idea of scrapping council tax and stamp duty altogether – a move that would echo broader “community‑wealth‑building” ambitions.

Speculation in The National added that Labour might be eyeing a universal flat‑rate death duty to fund expanded social‑care provision. The outlet warned that such a shift would rank as the most regressive tax change since the poll tax.

Devolution under scrutiny

Both outlets agree that the real test lies in how the two leaders manage energy and industrial policy – areas where Scotland retains significant statutory powers yet remains dependent on UK‑wide capital investment. Herald Scotland points out that the Scottish Parliament already seeks further control over employment law, immigration and energy, while also urging deeper devolution from Holyrood to regional authorities for matters such as council‑tax freezes and renewable‑power generation.

The article stresses that any “middle‑road” approach to oil and gas will be pivotal for avoiding tension. It warns that past UK‑wide interventions in sectors that sit within Scotland’s legislative competence have sometimes been designed for political advantage rather than economic effect. The piece cites past industrial incidents – Grangemouth, Alexander Dennis and Mossmorran – as cautionary examples of what misaligned public investment can produce.

Beyond fiscal levers, the author flags potential cooperation on publicly owned transport networks, noting that “Manchester’s bus system is good but Edinburgh’s is better.” The suggestion is that joint projects could sit comfortably within devolution parameters, provided both governments respect the limits of their respective mandates.

Political reverberations in England

The National describes the “Burnham bounce” as the catalyst for Labour’s victory in what it calls the UK’s biggest‑ever by‑election. Bev Craig secured roughly two‑thirds of the votes cast, although turnout was about three‑quarters lower than usual. The outlet adds that Burnham’s personal polling is already twice as good as Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s peak.

Commentary in the same piece contrasts Burnham’s communication style with that of Starmer, noting a “fortnight of drive‑by policy announcements” that has kept the media cycle moving. It flags a need for substantive content beyond the current “policy blitz” and suggests that the next phase will test the Labour Party’s organisational depth.

The National also references the wider English political context, noting that Reform UK’s leader Nigel Farage is now facing a personal poll rating of –32, and that his recent by‑election gamble in Clacton has soured. While the article dismisses Farage’s resurgence as “plain stupid”, the broader point is that Burnham’s rise is occurring amid a reshuffling of the English right‑hand bench.

SNP response and demands

According to The National, the SNP’s latest press release urges a public subsidy to boost the profits of oil giant BP – a stance the outlet describes as “still a way to go”. The piece argues that Scotland should use the coming months to sharpen a list of specific demands on Westminster, with a September deadline for Burnham either to act or to devolve the relevant powers.

The article warns that failure to meet those demands could undermine the Union case and give fuel to the independence narrative championed by the SNP. It calls for a Scottish agenda that puts public interest before private profit, reduces inequality and builds social solidarity, positioning those aims as the “agenda we should discuss with Wales and Northern Ireland”.

What to watch next

Both commentators agree that September will be a decisive moment. Herald Scotland expects Burnham to reveal how he intends to fund the capital‑intensive projects that underpin his industrial and clean‑energy strategies, while The National urges the SNP to articulate clear, enforceable demands before that cut‑off.

At the same time, the optics of the early policy “blitz” will continue to be measured against the substance of forthcoming legislation. Will the promised energy‑bill cut survive parliamentary scrutiny? Will the speculative flat‑rate death duty be formalised, or will council‑tax reform remain “quietly hopeful” as Burnham’s team appears to be “rowed back” from that line of attack?

Observers will also be tracking any movement on the proposed share of income‑tax and business‑rate revenues for English strategic authorities, a plan that, if delivered, could reshape the fiscal relationship between central and local government and set a precedent for future Scottish‑English financial negotiations.

In short, the early days of the Burnham administration have laid out a sprawling agenda that tests the limits of devolution, challenges the SNP’s strategic calculus and forces Labour to convert its “bounce” into lasting policy. The next few weeks – especially the September deadline – will determine whether the “constructive” talks between Burnham and Swinney evolve into a durable partnership or dissolve into the “war” that both leaders have said they hope to avoid.